The Malaysian Miracle
From the Archives
Posted on October 3, 2007
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| In terms of economic growth, Malaysia is moving at a pace comparable to other major players such as China. Photo Credit: Stock.xchng.com |
The numbers themselves say a lot. At independence, Malaysia was one of the poorest countries in the world. Though reliable data are hard to come by, its GDP (in purchasing power parity terms) was comparable to that of Haiti, Honduras, and Egypt, and some 5 percent below that of Ghana. Today, Malaysia's income is 7.8 times that of Ghana, more than five times that of Honduras, and more than 2.5 times that of Egypt. In the global growth league tables, Malaysia is in the top tier, along with China, Taiwan, South Korea, and Thailand.
Moreover, the benefits of the growth have been shared. Hard-core poverty is set to be eliminated by 2010, with the overall poverty rate falling to 2.8 percent. Malaysia has succeeded in markedly reducing the income divides that separated various ethnic groups, not by bringing the top down, but by bringing the bottom up.
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Hard-core poverty is set to be eliminated by 2010, with the overall poverty rate falling to 2.8 percent.
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There were many reasons not to have expected Malaysia to be a success. Just as Malaysia was gaining its independence, the Nobel Prize winning economist Gunnar Myrdal wrote an influential book called Asian Drama , in which he predicted a bleak future for the region.
Malaysia is rich in natural resources. But, with few exceptions, such countries are afflicted with the so-called "natural resource curse": countries with an abundance of resources not only do not do as well as expected, but actually do worse than countries without such benefits. While natural resource wealth should make it easier to create a more equalitarian society, countries with more resources, on average, are marked by greater inequality.
Moreover, Malaysia's multiracial, multi-cultural society made it more vulnerable to civil strife, which has occurred in many other resource-rich countries, as one group tried to seize the wealth for itself. In many cases, minorities work hard to garner the fruits of this wealth for themselves, at the expense of the majority - Bolivia, one of the many rich countries with poor people, comes to mind.
At independence, Malaysia also faced a Communist insurgency. The "hearts and minds" of those in the countryside had to be won, and that meant bringing economic benefits and minimizing "collateral" damage to innocent civilians - an important lesson for the Bush administration in Iraq, if it would only listen to someone outside its closed circle.
And Malaysia had a third strike against it: for all the talk of the "white man's burden," the European powers did little to improve living standards in the countries they ruled. The dramatic decline in India's share of global GDP under Britain's rule, as Britain passed trade laws designed to benefit its textile producers at the expense of those in its colony is the most visible example.
The colonial powers' divide-and-rule tactics enabled small populations in Europe to rule large numbers outside of Europe, pillaging natural resources while investing little in the physical, human capital, and social capital necessary for an economically successful, democratic self-governing society. It has taken many of the former colonies decades to overcome this legacy.
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During the financial crisis of 1997, Malaysia did not adopt IMF structural adjustment policies.
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Malaysia also recognized that success required an active role for government. It eschewed ideology, following or rejecting outsiders' advice on a pragmatic basis. Most tellingly, during the financial crisis of 1997, it did not adopt IMF policies - and as a result had the shortest and shallowest downturn of any of the afflicted countries. When it re-emerged, it was not burdened with debt and bankrupt firms like so many of its neighbors.
This success was, of course, not only a matter of economics: had Malaysia followed the policies recommended by the IMF, it would have torn apart the social fabric created over the preceding four decades.
Malaysia's success thus should be studied both by those looking for economic prosperity and those seeking to understand how our world can live together, not just with toleration, but also with respect, sharing their common humanity and working together to achieve common goals.
Contributed by Joseph E. Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate in economics, is Professor of Economics at Columbia University. Reprinted with permission from Project Syndicate.
To read another Global Envision article about Asia and successful economic growth, see What Works Case Studies - Asia.
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Malaysia’s unexpected economic growth since its independence in 1957 offers hope for countries with fresher wounds of post-colonization strife. Despite the battles Malaysia faced in achieving unified success, including its ongoing conflict with neighboring Indonesia, as well as the issues Dr. Stiglitz listed, Malaysia became a surprising contender in the world’s economic ring following its independence. Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad, Malaysia’s polarizing prime minister from 1981-2003, and his policies emphasizing “education for the masses” are largely credited with the 21st-century Malaysia machine we know today. The pointed “trickle-up” strategy outlined in this article may provide useful insight for neophyte nations surviving post-colonization. I am reminded of East Timor’s independence from Indonesia in 2003. Though East Timor did not have the luxury of peaceful colonization or the “non-violent” independence as in Malaysia, perhaps, under responsible leadership, there can still be
Economic data do not reveal the real social problems creeping deep into the lives of the minorities in Malaysia. Non-Muslim indegeneous in Sabah and Sarawak (Borneo) states are marginalized. The colonial divide-and-rule tactic is practiced at all segments of the society. Economically Malaysia does well in paper but socially it's a matter of time the multi-enthic and multi-religious fabric is torn by the biased and racist policies of the government in favour of the Malays.